Making Progress on Biafra

Some pro-Biafra protesters Credit

By Msonter Anzaa

"I found it difficult to come to terms with the fact that Nigeria was disintegrating, that I had to leave my house, leave Lagos, leave my job." Chinua Achebe; There was a Country.

More than a textbook topic for history students post-1970, Biafra has become an undying emotional and political issue with significant implications for the future of Nigeria and Africa. Agitations have
been palpable on the subject since the end of the Civil War, taking various forms from small motor park or classroom talk to hot debates at national conferences. The summary of the argument is that the Igbos and the minorities of South East and most of South-South Nigeria feel that as currently constituted, the Nigerian federation does not and cannot adequately represent their aspirations. These aspirations include equal political representation in the federal government, adequate economic empowerment, equal distribution of national resources, equal career prospects in critical sectors like the armed forces and the petroleum industry. More commonly, the perceived marginalization is represented by the non-occupation of the office of president by an Igbo man even though the ethnic group constitutes the third largest in the country. 

To be sincere with the Igbo people, their problem of inequality in the federation can only be solved largely by themselves. This is because most of the nationalities that make up the nation are not very

comfortable with their placement either. Therefore, except for a few nationally-thinking individuals, every ethnic group has its hands full of its own perceived problems. Secondly, there is no such real

authority isolated from the society itself that can arbitrate and unilaterally solve these problems in the manner the mother of two siblings quarrelling over a piece of moi-moi may do. Ultimately, the

aggrieved and the perceived aggressors are also inevitably the arbitrators, and unless we brace up to this demand for mature and honest leadership, we are doomed to pass the current squabble to our children. One may say the current agitation is part of the attempt by the Igbos to solve their problem. However, it is the character of the agitation, which seems to conclude in advance that there cannot be a solution to this matter except secession, that unsettles some of us.

Quite frankly, our Igbo brothers must sit down and look at the methods of acquiring political power in the federation. Is there perhaps something the other ethnic groups are doing that the Igbos are not doing well? It is not a political advantage that the Igbos can hardly be said to dominate a certain political party. Elsewhere in the country, groups are largely associated with particular political alliances. These regional political blocks form the platforms for broader ones that deliver victory in presidential elections or at least confer national influence. In recent elections, the Igbos have not used this power. I am not advocating ethnic political parties. What I am saying is that there must be a degree of coherence among the Igbos that begins at home. They must also form trans-regional alliances based on tangible development ideals which the rest of the country can identify with. Not many Nigerians are inspired by the naked quest for political power for its sake alone. Therefore, if their only argument for seeking political power is equality, the Igbos will always be asked to wait.

Again, as we all strive towards political equality, we must recognize that we are striving to build up and not tear down our nation. Some of the methods employed so far particularly by Radio Biafra some of whose broadcasts I find extreme are capable of complicating the real issues. Biafra's sympathizers must not try to make it look as though the rest of the federation is their only problem. What should bother the ordinary people is how their lives and dignity can be improved as a people. The problems that choke the federation will not cease from any region just because it has gained self-governance. Can we say there are no problems in the South East states whose entire leadership is indigenous? Are there no cases of misappropriation of funds in those states? Are there no complaints of marginalization even among indigenes of the same state? Will public funds no longer be embezzled if they come in the Biafran dollar? Will the multitude of unemployed youths suddenly find jobs upon the attainment of self-governance? Is it because of lack of self-governance that the governors are not providing those jobs? Should other ethnic groups too go and form self-governing units since that is now the best way out of their challenges? And should the various components of Biafra break up into smaller self-governing units whenever they perceive inequality in Biafra?

Let us be sincere as a people. Let us depart from conducting national affairs with the carelessness typical of someone playing chess with his friends at the riverside. Whatever positions we adopt on these issues, let us recognize that there are implication for the lives of our people. If what we want is really the best for our land, we must think broadly, put ourselves in our neighbours' positions, and uphold the truth. We must do so now about Biafra, and once and for all make progress into the future that is beckoning us beyond.

Read also Personal Reflections on Biafra
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